A BRIEF HISTORY OF JEWS IN BRAZIL

Tempo de leitura: 57 Minutos

**Chapter I**
**INTRODUCTION**
The history of Jews in Brazil is a unique case; no other country can claim that Jews have lived there throughout its entire existence, making substantial contributions to its economic and social development.
Indeed, from the discovery of the country—an event in which they participated and even helped
toprepare—up to the present time, Jews, almost continuously, whether openly or covertly, have been
integrated into the processes of forming the national identity.
Nevertheless, it is worth saying that although Jews have continuously represented a segment of society,
their history does not simply follow that of Brazil. Far from an expected parallelism, what we observe is
the existence of numerous deviations and meanders, which often reach the level of contrast.
For example, the period of Dutch occupation, which translated a failure for the country, nevertheless
constituted the peak of the development of the local Jewish community, with the opposite occurring in the subsequent phase, when, after the expulsion of the invaders, it came decomposition, exodus, and
dispersion of the Jews from Brazil.
Similarly, the intense religious persecutions of the first half of the 18th century, which had scant direct
effects on the general population of the country, had a significant specific influence on the lives of
Brazilian Jews.
Finally, from another perspective, the implementation of a liberal regime and provisions in the country at
the beginning of the 19th century, culminating in the proclamation of Independence, which was so
favorable to the general progress of the country, however determined the near-total assimilation of the
Jews— and effect that is considered negative from the standpoint of preserving the Brazilian Jewish
community.
For these reasons, the study of the history of Jews in Brazil cannot be confined to the phases and
general milestones of the political and social evolution of the country but must instead be guided by the
facts and historical events that specifically impacted the individual and, above all, collective conditions of
the Jews.
According to this criteria, it is essential to highlight the following eight phases in the history of Jews in
Brazil from 1500 to 1900:
1. **1500-1570 – PEACEFUL PHASE OF INCREASING IMMIGRATION** and broad integration of Jews
into the economic life of the country, comprising the three sub-periods:
a) – First explorations (1501-1515);
b) – The First colonization (1515-1530);
c) – Systematic colonization (1530-1570) 1
2. **1570-1630 – TUMULTUOUS PHASE**, characterized by the emergence of ANTI-JUDAIC
DISCRIMINATIONS.
3. **1630-1654 – PERIOD OF EXUBERANT DEVELOPMENT**, under Dutch rule – the true PEAK OF
THE COLLECTIVE ORGANIZATION of the Jews in Brazil.
4. **1654-1700 – Post-Dutch period, CRITICAL PHASE** in the life of Brazilian Jews, comprising MASS
EXODUS, disintegration of the community, DISPERSION, and eventual local accommodation.
5. **1700-1770 – Period of GREAT PERSECUTIONS** promoted by the Portuguese Inquisition.
6. **1770-1824 – Period of PROGRESSIVE LIBERALIZATION**, decline in Jewish immigration, and
GRADUAL ASSIMILATION of Jews.
7. **1824-1855 – Phase of DEEP ASSIMILATION**, following the complete cessation of homogeneous
Jewish immigration and the total legal equality between Jews and Christians.
8. **1855-1900 – PRE-MODERN IMMIGRATION PERIOD**, characterized by the first waves of Jewish
immigrants, successively from North Africa, Western Europe, the Near East, and even Eastern Europe,
who were forerunners of the large influxes that, in the early decades of the 20th century, generated and
shaped the current Jewish community in the country.
**Chapter II**
**DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL (1500)**
**Jewish Contribution to the Discovery of Brazil**
The discovery of Brazil occurred at a time when Portugal was at the peak of its global expansion.
It was not merely military glory or the search for a romantic adventure, or the desire to expand the
Catholic faith that drove the Portuguese to their grand maritime expeditions, venturing into “unexplored
seas,” fearless of dangers and insensible to trials.
Alongside these reasons, and perhaps above them, the commercial spirit dominated the expeditions. The
Portuguese aimed to break the monopoly that Venetians and Genoese had on mercantile exchange with
the Levant ports through Arab caravans, and thereby secure Portugal’s position as a center for the major
economic activities of the time, serving as a hub for products and spices intensely sought by European
consumers.
However, regardless of the motives behind Portugal’s maritime expansion, it would not have been
possible without the long period of discoveries and scientific advancements that preceded the great cycle
of conquests, in which the scholars of the time played a significant role.
Since the 12th century, Iberian Jews had been remarkably distinguished in the fields of mathematics,
astronomy, and geography—basic sciences for nautical art, especially ocean navigation.
Notable among many others were: – **ABRAHAM BAR CHIA**

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Author of “Shape of the Earth,” “Stars’ Movement Calculus,” and “Encyclopedia”; – **ABRAHAM IBN ESRA**
Author of “Eneos Utensils,” “Astrolabe Treatise,” “Justification of the Kvarismi boards,” and
“Astronomical Boards”; – **JOÃO DE LUNA**
He wrote “Astrology Epitomes” and ” Astrolabe Treatise “; – **JACOB BEN MACHIR**
He wrote “Tratado do Astrolábio” and invented an observational instrument called the “Quadrante de
Israel”;
**ISAK IBN SAID**
Who compiled a coherent summary of works on astronomy by the Greeks and Arabs;
**RABBI LEVI BEN GERSON (GÉRSONIDES)**
Who wrote the works “Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Calculation,” “On Harmonic Numbers,”
“Astronomical Tables on the Sun and Moon,” and “Treatise on the Balestilha,” and constructed two
important instruments: the dark chamber and the telescope, the invention of which is generally attributed
to others;
**ISAAC ZADDIK**
Who wrote “Astronomical Tables,” “Treatise on Astronomical Instruments,” and “Instructions for the
Astrolabe of Jacob ben Machir.”
This flourishing scientific movement was excellently utilized by the Portuguese rulers to elevate their
country to the status of a major naval power.
Thus, the infant D. Henrique, who was called “The Navigator”, upon founding the first navigation
academy in 1412, the traditional “School of Sagres,” chose one of the most famous cartographers of the
15th century, the Jew Jehuda Crescas, to lead it, specifically recruiting him from the Balearic Islands.
Jehuda Crescas, also known as Master Jácome of Mallorca and commonly referred to as “El judio de las
Brújulas” due to his extensive experience in making compasses, had the essential mission of teaching
Portuguese navigators the fundamentals of navigation and the production and handling of cards and
nautical instruments.
Later, other scientific renowned Jewish scholars contributed to the School of Sagres, highlighting the
scholars José Vizinho, Master Rodrigo, and especially Abraham Zacuto—author of the “Perpetual
Almanac of All Celestial Movements”—a figure of great influence in all state-related decisions, including
oceanic expeditions, one of which—the important and successful voyage of Vasco da Gama that led to
the discovery of the sea route to India—was planned by him.
It thus appears evident that, to a large extent, the scientific cooperation of 15th-century Jews made
possible the transoceanic voyages and discoveries undertaken by the Portuguese fleet.
However, Jewish contribution to the discovery of new routes and lands for the Portuguese crown was not
limited to the preparatory scientific field; it also extended to direct participation in the daring voyages,
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where Jews proved to be of vital utility, thanks also to their knowledge of the languages and customs of
various countries.
Thus, they also played a prominent role in the expedition that resulted in the discovery of Brazil. In the
fleet commanded by Pedro Álvares Cabral, at least two Jewish specialists traveled as advisors: – **Master João**, the king’s personal doctor and astronomer equipped with Abraham Zacuto’s
instruments, responsible for conducting astronomical and geographical research; and – **Gaspar de Lemos**, also known as Gaspar da Gama and Gaspar das Índias, interpreter and
commander of the supply ship, who is indeed considered by historians as co-responsible for the
discovery of Brazil.
**The Jew Gaspar de Lemos, the First Explorer of Brazil**
The importance of Gaspar de Lemos’s participation in the expedition that discovered Brazil is highlighted
by the fact that it came from a royal order issued in commendatory terms, as mentioned by Gaspar
Correia in “India Legends”:
“**The King gave to Major Captain Gaspar da Gama (Gaspar de Lemos), the Jew, because he knew how
to speak many languages, who The King granted him free and exempted access to the land’s commerce
with ten cruzados each month. He strongly recommended that he serve with Pedro Álvares Cabral, as if
he performed well, he would be greatly rewarded; and because he knew about India, he would always
advise the Major Captain on what to do, as this Jew had given the King a lot of information about India,
particularly about Goa.**”
Although historians disagree on the origins of Gaspar de Lemos and his life before coming into contact
with the Portuguese, the most accepted version is that he was a Jew born in Poland, from where he was
expelled or had to flee in 1450, as a child, because his family did not want to convert to Christianity. After
a long journey through Italy, the Holy Land, Egypt, and several other countries, he is said to have decided
to stay in Goa, India, where he gained prestige and became the captain-major of a fleet belonging to a
wealthy Moor on the island of Arquediva.
It was on this island that Vasco da Gama, on September 25, 1498, upon returning from a trip to India,
met Gaspar de Lemos, who presented himself aboard as a Christian and prisoner of the powerful
Saboya, owner of the island.
Unable to deceive Vasco da Gama’s keen perception, he was quickly forced to confess that he
commanded forty ships with orders from Saboya to attack the Portuguese fleet at the first opportunity.
Paradoxically, the incident led to a solid friendship between Vasco da Gama and Gaspar de Lemos,
whom he took with him to Portugal, where he sponsored his baptism, gave him his name—henceforth
known as Gaspar da Gama—and introduced him to the king, D. Manuel, who made him a favored
member of the court and appointed him “gentleman of his household.”
In the absence of reliable information about Gaspar da Gama’s real role in the discovery of Brazil, some
even speculate that, based on his extensive maritime experience, he might have intentionally encouraged
Pedro Álvares Cabral to veer away from Africa, believing in the existence of other lands to the west
across the vast seas.
Regardless, even if such assumptions are unfounded, it remains undisputed that Gaspar da Gama
earned the title of “the first explorer of the land,” as attributed to him by Afrânio Peixoto, and even that of
“co-discoverer of Brazil,” as assigned by Alexander von Humboldt.
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**Chapter III**
**FIRST EXPLORATIONS OF BRAZIL (1501 – 1515)**
**The Lease of Brazil and the Brazilwood Cycle**
Soon after the discovery of Brazil, King D. Manuel’s interest in the new land waned.
The expedition sent to the coast of Brazil in 1501, which returned to Portugal in 1502, did not yield
sufficient results to excite the Portuguese government, which was enamored with the myth of precious
metals because in Brazil, “nothing of value was found except for countless brazilwood trees, for
canafistula, from which myrrh is obtained, and other natural wonders that would take too long to mention”
(letter from Amerigo Vespucci to Soderini).
At that time, the court was indeed a major business hub, and, on the one hand, was deeply absorbed
with the costly expeditions to India, where it aimed to establish a vast colonial empire, and, on the other
hand, did not see appreciable and immediate profits.
In the exploration of Brazil, it was being relegated to a mere stopover on the voyages to India, a place for
refreshment and replenishment.
It is entirely understandable that, having received in 1502 an offer from a consortium of Jews led by the
New Christian Fernando de Noronha to explore the new colony through a leasing contract, the monarch
accepted it willingly; the colonization of Brazil was offered to him, to be carried out at private expense,
with no risks or burdens on the public treasury, and with the possibility of generating profits and, in some
way, maintaining, although weakly, Portuguese authority over the new possession.
The agreement—which was a monopoly on trade and colonization—was signed in 1503 for a term of 3
years and included the following main commitments from the lessees:
1. To send six ships annually;
2. To explore, clear, and cultivate a new region of 300 leagues each year;
3. To build fortresses in these regions and garrison them for the duration of the contract;
4. To allocate to the Crown, in the second year of the lease, one-sixth of the revenue from the land’s
products, and in the third year, one-fourth.
This contract was renewed with some modifications in 1506, 1509, and 1511, extending to 1515.
In the same year as the initial contract—more precisely, in May 1503—the first fleet departed from
Portugal for Brazil, consisting of six ships, presumably under the personal command of Fernando de
Noronha. On June 24, 1503, it arrived at an unknown island, initially named São João, which was later
renamed “Fernando de Noronha” in recognition of its discoverer, who was granted the island by the king
in 1504.
In 1504, Fernando de Noronha’s ships returned to Portugal with a vast cargo of brazilwood (also known
as “Jewish wood”), a highly sought-after commodity in European markets for dye industries.
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The trade of brazilwood became so intense during the lease of Brazil to Fernando de Noronha—
exporting no less than 20,000 backyards per year—and it gained such economic importance that it gave
rise to the term “brazilwood cycle,” by which that period is known, and led to the adoption of the definitive
name for the land—Brazil, replacing the former name of Santa Cruz (or Parrots’ Land).
**Fernando de Noronha, the Jewish Lessee**
Fernando de Noronha—also known as Fernão de Noronha or Fernão de Loronha—was undoubtedly a
prominent figure in Portugal’s public life.
An extraordinarily active man with a unique commercial vision, he quickly established many and
substantial business dealings with the court, which did not spare any recognition for his significant
contribution to the kingdom’s commercial and maritime development, granting him several noble titles, in addition to permission to use the coat of arms conferred by the English Crown.
It is believed that Gaspar da Gama, upon returning from Brazil, suggested to Fernando de Noronha the
idea of using the new Portuguese colony as a refuge for persecuted Jews, and that this suggestion led
Fernando de Noronha to propose the lease of Brazil to the government, thus facilitating Jewish
transmigration.
It is also mentioned, based on documents from the Tombo’s Tower archive, that Fernando de Noronha,
to help the exodus of numerous Jews, would purchase their properties which they would otherwise have
to lose.
These and other indications have led many historians to accept Fernando de Noronha’s Jewish origins.
Whether Fernando de Noronha was descended from Jews, a New Christian, or a crypto-Jew is of less
interest. What matters is the general consensus that, in the commercial expeditions of Fernando de
Noronha’s consortium, Jews constituted the majority, thus earning them the merit of having laid the first
markers of civilization in the new land.
**Chapter IV**
**FIRST COLONIZATION (1515 – 1530)**
**Body Guards Expeditions**
Historians tend to believe that until 1530, the Crown paid little attention to the development of Brazil, with some even labeling the entire period from 1500 to 1530 as the “period of indifference.”
However, this judgment seems exaggerated and only justly applies to the period 1500-1515, during
which, as seen in the previous chapter, Brazil was entirely leased to a commercial enterprise run by
Fernando de Noronha.
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In fact, the fact itself that the lease contract with Fernando de Noronha was not renewed in 1515—
without any explanation for this discontinuity—suggests that the Portuguese Government, by 1515, had
awakened to the reality: it would have to take control of the vast Brazilian territory if it did not want to risk
losing trade with it and even its sovereignty.
Indeed, this danger was real, as at that time the Brazilian coast was also heavily frequented by French
smugglers who sought to trade with the indigenous peoples, thus infringing on the Portuguese monopoly on brazilwood.
Everything seems to confirm that it was to address these dangers that the Portuguese Government
resorted to a dual program of measures: on one hand, it organized fleets known as body guards, notably
commanded by Cristóvão Jaques, to suppress illegal trade between poles; three expeditions are known,
between 1516 and 1519, 1521 and 1523, and between 1526 and 1528; on the other hand, it took
measures to encourage colonization of Brazil, facilitating the departure of all who wished to emigrate as
settlers.
**Early Attempts at Directed Colonization**
There is even a report of a decree issued in 1516 by King Manuel I of Portugal, stating that anyone who
emigrated to Brazil would receive, at the Crown’s expense, the necessary equipment to build a sugar mill,
and that a specialist would be sent to the new colony to provide the necessary assistance.
The decree explicitly stated in a certain passage: “Axes, hoes, and other tools should be given to the
people who are going to populate Brazil, and an experienced and capable man should be sent to Brazil to
start a sugar mill. He should receive all the assistance and materials and tools necessary for the
construction of the mill.”
Despite the facilities granted by the Government, it is known that Portuguese Christian settlers who
wished to emigrate to Brazil were still rare—probably due to the continuing attraction of India. As a result,
alongside criminals, convicts, or exiles, Jewish volunteers stood out and constituted the majority of the
immigrant waves.
It seems that the measures taken by the Portuguese Government achieved the desired results, as
documents from 1526 already refer to customs duties paid in Lisbon on sugar imported from Brazil.
**Jewish Participation in Introducing Sugar Cane**
The assumption that Jews predominated among these first colonizers of Brazil is supported by the
undeniable fact that the sugar industry had long been the preferred occupation of Jews from the Madeira
and São Tomé islands, from where sugar cane was likely transplanted to Brazil.
Thus, during this transitional period from 1515 to 1530, in which the Portuguese Government undertook
its first attempts at controlling and occupying Brazilian territory, it seems that Jews played a fundamental
role in this task as the first colonizers of Brazil.
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**Chapter V**
**SYSTEMATIC COLONIZATION (1530 – 1570)**
**Expedition of Martim Afonso de Sousa**
Realizing that the sporadic body guard expeditions and the limited attempts at colonization undertaken
between 1515 and 1530 were insufficient to drive away foreign traders—including newly arrived
Spaniards—who not only traded but also showed intentions of settling, King John III of Portugal decided
on a determined course of action, aiming at large-scale systematic colonization and effective occupation
of Brazilian territory.
Thus, in 1530, he ordered the preparation of a fleet with 400 men under the command of his friend
Martim Afonso de Sousa, whom he appointed “Captain-General and Governor of the Lands of Brazil,”
granting him broad special authorizations, including “the right to take possession of the entire country,
make necessary divisions, occupy all positions, and exercise all judicial, civil, and criminal powers.”
Martim Afonso de Sousa’s expedition, fulfilling its mission, covered the entire Brazilian coastline in two
years, extending from the Amazon to Silver’s River.
**Bahia and São Vicente**
It is worth noticing that Martim Afonso de Sousa concentrated his attention on two points along the coast, which would remain significant throughout Brazil’s history as centers of progress: the Northeast (Bahia
Recife) and the Southeast (Rio-São Paulo).
Such an economic and social bicentrism, already uncommon, rarely establishes itself so early in the
formation of countries as it did in Brazil, where by 1530, these two focal points had already emerged.
They would exert, with alternating prominence, a decisive influence on the country’s economic history up
to the present day: the Northeast predominating in the 16th and 17th centuries during the brazilwood and sugar cycles; the Southeast standing out in the 18th century during the gold mining era; a brief northern resurgence; and finally, a definitive southern dominance in the 19th century with the rise of large-scale agriculture, especially coffee cultivation; all this, without detracting from the promising prospects that are beginning to emerge for the Northeast, though not affecting the central-southern regions.
This economic and social bicentrism is, in itself, a notable fact. Adding a paradoxical aspect, both of the
country’s centers of progress were located far from—and on opposite sides of—the region where the
discovery took place.
Evidently, the argument about the closer proximity of the northeastern coast to Europe compared to the
Porto Seguro region does not fully explain the preference given to the São Vicente region. It must be
considered that the southern coast of Bahia had natural conditions adverse to exploration and
colonization, including a climate that was excessively rainy, with almost no real dry season throughout
the year.
Regarding the issue of Jews in Brazil, the existence of these two important economic centers deserves
two observations: one of an essential nature, related to the internal migrations of Jews, who, whenever
persecuted in the Northeast, often chose the São Vicente province as a refuge; and the other, of an
illustrative nature, consists in the fact that in each of these key locations—Bahia and São Vicente (São
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Paulo)—Martim Afonso de Sousa found an influential Jew—respectively, Caramuru and João Ramalho—
who provided decisive assistance in his colonizing efforts.
**Hereditary Captaincies**
Having assessed, through successive expeditions in previous years, the extensive coastline of Brazil and
deeming the means employed insufficient to secure Portuguese sovereignty over the colony and promote
its settlement, King John III decided in 1532 to create captaincies along the coast. This measure was
implemented between 1534 and 1536 by dividing the coastline between Maranhão and Santa Catarina
into 14 lots, ranging from 10 to 100 leagues of coast. These 14 hereditary captaincies were granted to 12
“donatarys,” chosen among the nobility and most valued vassals. They were to explore and colonize the
regions entrusted to them at their own expense, ensuring their fast and secure progress.
This created a new incentive for Jews to come to Brazil. The donatarys, eager to bring prosperity to their
captaincies, tried to attract native colonists. However, Portuguese Christians still preferred India, where
the allure remained strong. The donatarys had no choice but to once again turn to Jewish families,
granting them rights and advantages equal to those of other colonists.
Moreover, Jews proved to be excellent colonizers: skilled in dealing with the indigenous people, quickly
adapting to their habits and languages, and rapidly gaining their friendship.
Thus, the progress of the captaincies relied significantly on the Jews, and thanks to this circumstance,
they enjoyed considerable freedom of customs.
From the captaincies, only two developed with appreciable results: Pernambuco and São Vicente,
located in the already mentioned two centers of progress—the Northeast and Southeast.
The captaincy of Pernambuco, excellently led by Duarte Coelho Pereira, experienced exceptional
prosperity. Noticing from previous attempts that the region was favorable to agriculture—tobacco, cotton, and sugarcane—especially for the latter, Duarte Coelho decided to implement intensive and systematic cultivation of sugarcane and boost the sugar industry.
To this end, he established large sugarcane plantations and built many sugar mills, arranging for the
import of necessary equipment and expertise from the Madeira and São Tomé islands.
mechanics, overseers, and specialized workers—most of whom were Jews—to manage the mills and
boost sugar production.
The name of the Jew Diogo Fernandes is worth mentioning, as he was the most skilled technician
brought by Duarte Coelho to Brazil.
**General Governments**
For several reasons—such as the excessive size of the territories, lack of resources to repel attacks from
indigenous people or foreign invasions, and lack of unity among the donatários—the system of
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colonization through the captaincies failed completely, even with the exceptions of São Vicente and
Pernambuco.
It would not be the old Brazilians, named by the author of “wilds”, who would be trying the foreigners
Portugueses invasions.
King John III decided in 1548 to create a general government, headquartered in Bahia, to bring together
the efforts of the donatários, providing them with “favor and aid” and receiving support from them,
including “people and provisions.”
With the establishment of the new government system in 1549, the situation of Jews in Brazil remained
unchanged, even though Jesuits also settled in the country at that time.
The conditions were such that the Jesuits were forced into a policy of compromise and prudence. It was
notable was the activity of Father José de Anchieta and the first bishop of Brazil, Pero Fernandes
Sardinha, who strongly opposed the establishment of inquisitorial tribunals in the country and any forms
of discrimination and persecution.
Faced with the choice of either abandoning the colonization of Brazil or successfully completing the
mission they had been entrusted with, the authorities opted for the latter. To this end, they had to
disregard the demands of the 5th Book of the Inquisition’s Orders and neglect the complaints of the
Inquisitors.
In 1554, Father José de Anchieta wrote that it was “greatly necessary to loosen the positive law in these
parts.” Similarly, Bishop Pero Lopes Sardinha believed that “in the early stages, many things should be
hidden rather than punished, especially in such a new land as this.”
This tolerant environment starkly contrasted with the wave of hatred and discrimination sweeping through Portugal, where the fires of the autos-da-fé burned incessantly. It is understandable that news reaching Portugal about Jewish life in Brazil would have a significant effect on the Jews there. Driven by the overwhelming fury of religious persecution, Portuguese Jews felt compelled to seek a new life in Brazil, which seemed to them a safe refuge where they could realize their longings for freedom, peace, and tranquility.
Under these conditions, everything favored the establishment of a continuous and intense flow of
Portuguese Jewish immigrants to Brazil. Once there, they fastly prospered and began to form numerous
communities, initiating a collective life that over time would clearly adopt Jewish characteristics. This is
evidenced by scattered references to a synagogue operating in a house owned by the New Christian
Heitor Antunes in Salvador—the headquarters of the General Government—and another part of a
Marrano center in Camaragibe, captaincy of Pernambuco. This captaincy even had a “rabbi”—Jorge Dias
do Caia, a New Christian and cobbler.
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### The Historical-Legendary Figures of Caramuru and João Ramalho
Martim Afonso de Souza, as previously mentioned, focused his special interest on the regions of Bahia
and São Vicente, and he was fortunate to encounter in these two places two extraordinary figures,
respectively: Caramuru and João Ramalho. These individuals provided decisive assistance in his efforts
to initiate the colonization of Brazil.
These two figures, whose lives are semi-legendary, are rightly considered the first effective colonizers of
the country. Their long existences share remarkable similarities. Both arrived on the Brazilian coast as
shipwreck survivors around 1510. Both had to adapt to the indigenous people, eventually imposing their
authority. Both integrated into the lives of the natives, even marrying indigenous women. Each achieved
a remarkable feat of pacification and rapprochement between the natives and the representatives of the
Portuguese Government. Finally, both are believed to have Jewish ancestry.
#### Caramuru
Concerning the appearance of Caramuru, whose real name was Diogo Álvares Correia, the following
legend exists: In 1509 or 1510, a Portuguese shipwreck occurred near what is now the Bay of All Saints.
Almost all the men drowned or were devoured by the Tupinambá indigenous. Among the few left to be
sacrificed later in a festive spectacle was Diogo Álvares Correia. As the time for his sacrifice approached,
a brilliant idea saved his life: Diogo fired a musket he had retained from the wreck, killing a bird in mid
flight. The natives who witnessed the scene were filled with great terror and began shouting “Caramuru!
Caramuru!” which, in their language, meant “man of fire” or “son of thunder.” (Some believe, perhaps
more accurately, that the nickname Caramuru derives from the name the natives gave to a common fish
in Bahia’s Concave, the moray eel, which frequented the shallow waters and in one of which Diogo
Álvares was found after the shipwreck.) Diogo Álvares Correia soon became highly regarded by the
natives, who from then on respected him as a chief.
Later, Caramuru married Paraguassu, the daughter of Chief Taparicá, which further solidified his
relations with the natives.
When Martim Afonso de Souza arrived, Caramuru served as an interpreter and liaison between this first
Governor of Brazil and the native chiefs, coordinating measures to introduce agricultural work in the
region using seeds brought by Martim Afonso.
Caramuru played an even more prominent role from 1538 onwards, during the period of the firstMajor
Captain, D. Francisco Pereira Coutinho, whose administration was tumultuous due to successive
disagreements between the Portuguese and the natives.
Caramuru’s fame grew so much, and his prestige with the Portuguese Government was so high, that
when the first General Governor of Brazil, Tomé de Souza, was appointed in 1548, the king addressed a
letter to Caramuru asking for his indispensable cooperation, as follows:
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“Diogo Álvares. I, the King, send you many greetings. I am now sending Tomé de Souza, a nobleman of
my House, to this Bay of All Saints… And because I am informed of the extensive experience you have of
these lands and the people and their customs, you will be able to assist and reconcile them well, I order
that as soon as the said Tomé de Souza arrives there, you go to him and help him with what he needs to
accomplish and what he assigns to you because you will be doing a great service… Your company and
help being necessary, I commend you to assist in whatever is needed, as I believe you will do.
Bartolomeu Fernandes made this in Lisbon on November 19, 1548. King.”
Caramuru responded to the king’s request, and his assistance to Tomé de Souza was so beneficial that,
with the full cooperation of the indigenous people, the city of Salvador, the country’s capital, was quickly
founded in 1549, in the place where Caramuru had previously established the village “Vila Velha.”
Regarding Caramuru’s Jewish origin, in the absence of any concrete proof, many historians accept it
based on simple presumptions, including the fact that the family name Álvares Correia was traditionally
Jewish according to many indications.
### João Ramalho
Although the historian Rocha Pombo admits that João Ramalho has come before the discovery of Brazil,
possibly in 1497 during the expulsion of Jews from Portugal, the more widely accepted theory is that he
arrived in 1512 after surviving a shipwreck on the coast of São Paulo.
Like Caramuru in the North, João Ramalho quickly gained the friendship of the indigenous people,
especially deserving the empathy of Tibiriçá, the all-powerful chief of the Guaianases Indians, who later
gave him his daughter Bartira in marriage.
When Martim Afonso de Souza reached São Vicente in 1532, he found João Ramalho there, who had
been living with the natives for twenty years. Influenced by Ramalho’s information about the region’s
climate and soil characteristics and motivated by the strategic location of the bay, Martim Afonso, with
significant help from João Ramalho, then founded the first agricultural colony, consisting of two
settlements: São Vicente on the plain of the island of the same name, and Piratininga in the highland
region of the mainland, next to the village of Santo André da Borda do Campo, where Ramalho lived with
his family and allies.
In recognition of the significant services João Ramalho rendered to the captaincy of São Vicente, Martim
Afonso granted him the title of “chief guard,” gave him authority over all the land of Piratininga, and
finally, before returning to Lisbon, elevated him to the position of “chief captain.”
Regarding João Ramalho’s Jewish origin, numerous conjectures abound. On one side, there are those
who draw conclusions from the fact that João Ramalho never participated in the Jesuit religious exercises
and that, when seriously ill, he refused religious consolations, interpreting these facts as indications of
Jewish affiliation.
However, most proponents of Ramalho’s Jewish lineage base their argument on a symbol, in the shape
of a horseshoe, that João Ramalho included in his signature, between his first name and family name. A
true literature exists on this subject, offering the most varied interpretations of the mentioned symbol.
While some consider it a mere ornament or simple talisman, and others view it as a hieroglyph indicating
12
Ramalho’s Egyptian origin, most identify it as a Hebrew letter. Even among these latter interpretations,
there is disagreement, with some believing the letter is a “kaf” (Strong), representing the initial letter of
the word “cohen” (priest), “cabir” (strong), or “kafui” (New Christian), while others consider the letter to be
a “bet,” an abbreviation of the word “ben” (son), meaning the signature would read “João, son of
Ramalho.” Finally, some suggest it is a “resh,” the initial letter of the name Ramalho.
As seen, the issue has become the subject of extensive discussions and exegetical analyses, whose
development evidently holds no special interest other than to encourage or satisfy curiosity about the
ethnic or religious ancestry of João Ramalho, that unmistakable figure who contributed so much to the
colonization of São Vicente.
### The Role of Jews in the Period from 1530 to 1570
The period from 1530 to 1570 is perhaps the only one in the entire history of the first four centuries of
Brazil in which it can be said that during its course, the evolution of Jewish life was fully integrated with
that of the country, in active cooperation, peaceful coexistence, and harmonious integration.
For Brazil’s formation, this period was decisive. During this time, the power of the metropolis was felt, first
through the hereditary captaincies and then through the General Government, which politically unified the territory, exercising the Crown’s power over that of the major captains. Simultaneously, the Portuguese language established itself as a unifying element among the scattered settlement nuclei, a cohesion reinforced by the spiritual unity developed through the extraordinary activities of the Jesuits.
It is of the utmost importance that, during this exceptional period of expansion, Jews played an
exceedingly honorable na active role in the country’s economic and social life.
### Chapter VI
### Period of the First Discriminations (1570 – 1630)
#### The Situation in 1570
During the period of systematic colonization (1530-1570), all the conditions favorable to the emergence of a solid Jewish community in Brazil were created:
a) **Numerical Sufficiency**: The number of Jews, thanks to the intense immigration and natural growth,
reached a reasonable proportion compared to the general population, enough to counter the risk of
assimilation.
b) **Freedom of Worship**: There was sufficient tolerance and freedom for Jews to openly maintain
their religious practices, although, as can be assumed, somewhat syncretized with Catholicism.
c) **Immigration Refreshment**: The successive waves of Portuguese Jewish immigrants played a
revitalizing, counter-acculturative role.
Thanks to such circumstances, there were secure prospects for a numerous and stable Jewish
community to take shape in Brazil by the end of the 16th century.
However, several adverse factors intervened to disrupt this ongoing process.
13
#### Difficulties in Jewish Emigration from Portugal
Around 1570, there was a change in Portugal’s emigration policy. The liberal norms that had been in
place were replaced by a long series of restrictive measures, interspersed with temporary and conditional
permissions granted in exchange for large sums of money.
Thus, on June 30, 1567, during the regency of Cardinal D. Henrique, the first decree was issued
prohibiting all New Christians from leaving the kingdom by sea or land.
In 1573, this prohibition was reinforced by D. Sebastião. Although four years later, in 1577, D. Sebastião
himself revoked it in exchange for 250,000 cruzados to fund the failed expedition to Africa, the decree
was reinstated in January 1580 by King-Inquisitor D. Henrique.
In that same year of 1580, Portugal lost its independence to Spain, and in 1587, all previous laws
prohibiting the emigration of Jews were confirmed.
In July 1601, given the dire state of the Castilian treasury, a Patent Letter granted Jews permission to
leave the kingdom in exchange for 200,000 cruzados.
But nine years later, in March 1610, a law was enacted that revoked the permission to leave, despite
promises that the prohibition would not be repeated. It was only in 1627 that Jews were again granted a
conditional permission to leave, and finally, in 1629, a law definitively established the free departure from
the kingdom, a benefit for which the Jews had to contribute the sum of 250,000 cruzados.
These reversals in emigration policy were determined—apart from the frequent incompatibilities between
the church and the crown—by the precarious financial situation of the country, which drove the need to
extort Jewish money, alternating with the necessity to retain the Jews in the country. By emigrating to
other countries, they contributed to those countries’ prosperity, while the kingdom became impoverished,
as the Treasury Council confessed in these terms: “…commerce is impoverishing and the wealthiest men
have left the country.”
Despite all the aforementioned restrictions, it is beyond doubt that the exodus of Jews from Portugal in
search of Brazil continued intensely. The persecutions to which the Jews were exposed were so severe
and increasing that they certainly found ways to circumvent the prohibitions during periods when they
could not officially do so through the aforementioned substantial contributions.
In the last decade of the 16th century, the emigration stream predominantly directed itself to France and
especially to the Netherlands, where commerce flourished, and religious tolerance reigned. This allowed
for the fast formation of a large Jewish community centered in the city of Amsterdam, aptly nicknamed
“New Jerusalem.”
But even in this period, it must be acknowledged that Portuguese Jews continued to come to Brazil.
There are indications that, generally speaking, European countries, especially Holland, were preferred by
wealthier emigrants, while those belonging to the more modest social strata, especially those inclined
towards agriculture, headed to Brazil.
In any case, it is certain that this simultaneous emigration of Portuguese Jews to Brazil and the
Netherlands facilitated the establishment of a commercial and affectionate link between Brazilian and
Dutch Jews. In the following years, this link had significant political and social repercussions due to the
14
conflict of conscience in which Brazilian Jews found themselves because of the Brazil-Portugal-Holland
triangle that came to dominate their individual interests and collective aspirations.
### The Inquisitorial Tentacles in Brazil
As seen above, the successive restrictions on the emigration of Jews from Portugal, which covered the
entire period of 60 years (1570-1630), did not substantially affect the continuous entry of Jews into Brazil,
where their number and prosperity continued to grow.
However, other factors began to cloud Jewish life in Brazil, which had until then been peaceful and
serene. Indisputable, signs of restriction on freedom began to appear, which over time strengthened,
causing Jewish collective life to wither just when it seemed to be approaching consolidation, and forcing
Jews to return, as in their mother country, to a disguised life, preserving traditions only within the family
recesses and even then with due caution.
The first manifestation of intolerance occurred early in 1573, in the city of Salvador, where an auto-da-fé
was held. Paradoxically, but perhaps deliberately, the first victim was not an Israelite; it was a Frenchman
accused of heresy, who was condemned and burned alive.
However, the trial balloon did not produce the expected effects. It was found that the auto-da-fé
spectacles did not evoke any special emotion among the natives—accustomed, after all, to the
incineration of prisoners—and that, on the other hand, it was incomprehensible to the gentiles that people were burned alive for respecting and serving another God, which led them to sympathize with the
prisoners of the Inquisition. This promptly ended the nefarious attempt.
Thus, the atmosphere of tolerance was restored, with the frank support of public opinion.
However, in 1591, the Holy Office finally came to Brazil, with this mission known as “First Visitation of the
Holy Office to Parts of Brazil by Heitor Furtado de Mendonça.”
In Bahia, the Inquisition stayed for two years, until 1593, then the Inquisitor moved to Pernambuco,
Itamaracá, and Paraíba, where he remained until 1595.
After 25 years, Bahia, at that time the capital of Brazil, was the target of a new visitation by the Holy
Office from September 11, 1618, to January 26, 1619, under the responsibility of the Inquisitor of Évora,
Bishop D. Marcos Teixeira.
During this second inquisitorial commission, no fewer than 90 Marranos were denounced, among them
many sugar mill owners.
### Internal Migrations
It is worth noticing that the Holy Office limited its visits to the Northeast, never attempting to establish
itself in the Southeast of the country, perhaps to avoid a complete failure, given the hostile environment it
would certainly meet there.
15
This circumstance may have facilitated the first internal migratory movement of Jews within Brazil.
It is likely that even earlier, under normal conditions, the dissemination of Jews throughout Brazilian
territory was occurring, mainly for economic reasons, as Jews were not only involved in agriculture; their
innate sense of mobility and ubiquity certainly led them to monopolize commerce between rural and
urban centers, thus penetrating the most remote parts of the country.
But these must have been slow, centrifugal migrations of a voluntary nature.
During the Inquisition inquiries in the Northeast, however, the exit of Jews from that region towards the
more liberal part of the country, where prejudices did not thrive, must have occurred forcibly and at a
faster pace. This was especially the captaincy of São Vicente—the second focal point of the country’s
progress, as indicated earlier.
### Brazil-Dutch Jewish Exchange
It is not precisely known what the reasons for the Holy Office’s visitations to Brazil were, as the inquisitors
returned to the kingdom without the effects of the investigations coming to light.
However, it is presumed that they had a political background, as the Crown was wary of the New
Christians’ dealings with Holland and certain indications that the enemy would find allies and guides in
Brazil.
The conjecture had some base, and the records of the visitation of 1618-1619 revealed that, for about 25
years, the Marranos in Brazil had maintained constant communication with the confessing Jews of
Flanders, especially with the ex-Marranos who had escaped to Amsterdam.
Suspicions were later reinforced with the creation of the Dutch West India Company, approved in 1621 by
the Dutch government. In light of the program and powers of this Society—including appointing and
deposing governors, making alliance treaties with the natives—the situation grew more complex.
raising fortresses and establishing colonies—and due to the fact that a significant portion of the
company’s capital was made up of funds from Hispano-Portuguese Jews, it was logical to suspect that
the close exchange between Jews in Brazil and Holland might aid the latter’s conquering ambitions. The
first real proof of the validity of this fear was obtained in 1624 when the Dutch invaded and conquered the city of Salvador, the capital of Brazil. The Jewish population, which was then larger in Bahia than in any
other city in the country, submitted joyfully to the conquerors, among whom came many Jews. It is
reported that about 200 New Christians immediately accepted Dutch rule and began to induce other
inhabitants of Jewish origin to follow their example.
### The Jewish Complex in the Period 1570-1630
This long period of 60 years was highly favorable to the development and prosperity of the Jewish
population in Brazil, but in contrast with the previous period (1530-1570), it did not constitute a peaceful
phase of evolution. It was essentially a tumultuous period, full of upheavals and fluctuations that, while
not impeding the material progress of the Jews—who by 1600 owned a significant percentage of the 120
sugar mills existing in Brazil—nevertheless undermined their collective organization, which had been
16
taking shape, and deeply wounded their hopes for freedom. The characteristic facts and circumstances of
the period in question can be summarized as follows: – Increasing persecution of Jews in Portugal and restriction on their emigration to Brazil, likely causing
Brazilian Jews to develop a hostile attitude towards their motherland; – The emergence of an auto-da-fé in Salvador (Bahia), although without significant consequences, was
enough to provoke among Brazilian Jews the idea that the new homeland was not immune to prejudice
and potential persecution; – The arrival of two inquisitorial commissions from Portugal in 1591-95 and 1618-19, with their respective processes of accusations and denunciations, likely led Brazilian Jews to a setback in their collective life evolution and a limitation of religious practices to the family sphere and disguised forms; – The first forced migration of Jews within the country due to religious persecution—from the Northeast to the captaincy of São Vicente; – The failure of the invasion of Bahia in May 1624, as the conquest did not last even a year, ending with the total defeat of the Dutch on May 1, 1625.
As a result of all these events, the Jews in Brazil were increasingly dominated by a sense of frustration,
seeing their illusions and hopes for security and tranquility in the new land crumble. Disillusioned with the
motherland—where their relatives and coreligionists suffered tremendous deprivations and
persecutions—and now disappointed with New Lusitania itself, where initially everything seemed to smile
upon them but where hostile signs began to accumulate, the Jews of Brazil instinctively, in search of
another point of support, felt compelled to increasingly close exchange with Portuguese Jews residing in
Holland, where freedom, by the late 16th century, was absolute in every respect.
They saw the possibility that the fate of Brazilian Jews might improve thanks to the intervention of
another power—in this case, Holland!
### Chapter VII: Dutch Rule (1630-1654)
#### Phases of the Jewish Community under Dutch Occupation
The hope of Brazilian Jews that their fate would improve through some form of Dutch intervention did not fail. After a series of frustrated attempts to reconquer Bahia throughout 1627, the Dutch, having
determined that the feat would be more feasible in Pernambuco—a poorly defended point and easier to
fortify afterward—they attacked it on February 15, 1630, with a powerful fleet of 70 ships, manned and
garrisoned by 7,000 men, thus beginning the occupation of Northeast Brazil, which would last until 1654,
centered in the prosperous captaincy of Pernambuco.
This singular period in the Jewish life in Brazil must be considered entirely in connection with Dutch
occupation, beginning and ending almost abruptly with it. However, what impresses is not simply this
coincidence but the speed with which Jews managed to establish one of the most flourishing
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communities in the world of that time in Brazil’s Northeast. Indeed, one must discount the tumultuous
phase from 1630 to 1635, during which the consolidation of the conquest took place, marked by
incessant battles made inevitable by the tenacious resistance of the Pernambucans; and also deduct the
phase of the Dutch decline, which extended from 1645 to 1654. Thus remains the period from 1635 to
1644, which encompassed the liberal and progressive government of Count Maurice of Nassau, a
distance of only 10 years, which nevertheless sufficed for the Jews to uplift their economic, social, and
cultural life to an exceptional level within the framework of a collective organization.
#### Aspects of the Economic Activity of the Jews
The Dutch occupation of Northeast Brazil introduced profound modifications in the economic life of the
Jews, broadening its scope, diversifying its occupational branches, and elevating its potential to a
singular degree. Before the Dutch conquest, Jews were extensively involved in sugar planting, but the
mill owners represented only a reasonable percentage, and the magnates were a scant minority.
Otherwise, the Jewish colony was consisted of small merchants and poorly paid manual laborers.
With the advent of the Dutch and the ensuing establishment of great religious tolerance, the panorama
began to change. Continuous waves of Jews flowed into Pernambuco from various countries, especially
Holland, bringing capital, commercial experience, and a prodigious spirit of accomplishment.
These Jews coming from Holland—many of whom were ex-refugees from Portugal, Spain, and France—
had the advantage of speaking several languages: Spanish, French, Ladino, and Dutch, in addition to the
most important—Portuguese, which was the language spoken in Brazil. Thus, it was easy for them to
serve as interpreters for the 7,000 men of the Dutch army and navy, consisting of mercenaries—Dutch,
English, French, German, Polish, and others—who did not speak Portuguese.
Simple interpreters quickly became money changers and merchants, generally acting as intermediaries,
a profession that became almost a monopoly of the Jews, with whom small Brazilian and Flemish traders
and workers could not compete. Around 1638, taking advantage of the confiscation of sugar mills
belonging to the Portuguese by the Dutch rulers, who auctioned off these properties, the Jews made
large acquisitions at negligible prices. Thus, it did not take long for the Jews to become large urban and
rural property owners, controlling the economic life of New Holland. It is worth noting, as an evidence of
this, that the main street in Recife was known as “Rua dos Judeus” (after 1654, “Cross’ Street”), and the
port was called “The Jews Docks.”
A contemporary document, written in colorful if somewhat exaggerated language, provides an expressive
portrait of the rapid economic rise of the Jews in Dutch Brazil:
“They had come with the Dutch when they took Pernambuco, some Jews, who, bringing nothing more
than a tattered dress on them, soon became rich with their deals and tricks. This was known to their
relatives, who lived in Holland, and they began to come in such numbers, and from other parts of the
North, each with their bags, that in four days they became rich and abundant. Because, as most of them
were Portuguese by nation and had fled Portugal for fear of the Holy Inquisition, and also knew how to
18
speak Flemish, they served as interpreters between the Dutch and Portuguese. Through this means, they
earned money, and as the Portuguese did not understand the Flemish, nor they the Portuguese, and
could not negotiate in purchases and sales, the Jews intervened by buying the goods at a low price and
then, without risk or danger, reselling them to the Portuguese with a certain profit, without any work.”
The prosperity of the Jews in New Holland did not occur without inconveniences. Their increased well
being and extraordinary economic power aroused envy and generated a dangerous enmity from the
Christian competition. If such waves of collective hatred had no greater consequences, it was due to the
balanced actions of Maurice of Nassau, who, during his seven-year regency, worked honestly to unite all
religious opposition in the colony, distributing impartial justice. He was the first to demand reparations
when legal infractions committed by Jews were proven, but he also knew how to defend them with his
powerful arm when he saw them as victims of provocation.
### Sociocultural Aspects of Jewish Life. Isaac Aboab da Fonseca
Under Dutch rule, all favorable conditions were created in Northeast Brazil for the emergence of a solid
Jewish community with its own collective life characteristics: a) freedom of worship; b) numerical and
concentrational sufficiency; c) continuous immigration; d) cultural superiority.
a) **Freedom of Worship** – Even during its organization, the West India Company had declared that any
and all beliefs would be respected in New Holland. When Count Maurice of Nassau assumed the
government, the promise, which had already been partially put into practice, became a reality. According
to Hermann Wätjen: “To the Jews, the tolerant Count allowed the sanctity of Saturday, having proclaimed
that Christians of both creeds should consider Sunday as the Lord’s Day. Furthermore, the Governor’s
viewpoint was to let everyone be happy in their way in Pernambuco.” Thus, the basic condition was
established for a Jewish community to flourish in Dutch Brazil.
b) **Numerical and Concentrational Sufficiency** – Religious tolerance, although indispensable, was not
enough. A complementary factor of great importance was the sufficient numerical growth of the Jewish
population and its predominant concentration in a restricted area, with Recife as its center. These are
indeed two essential circumstances for an ethnic or cultural group to preserve its own characteristics
without being absorbed by the dominant environment. Under Dutch rule, the Jewish population grew
enormously, concentrating in Recife. It is enough to say that while this city had only 150 houses in 1630,
by 1639, there were 2,000. There were so many Jews that, at first glance, it seemed like a purely Jewish
city. This population growth of Jews in Brazil mainly resulted from the intense immigration that took place
during that period, with Jews from various countries, especially Holland, coming to Brazil—as to a
promised land. Ships continuously left Amsterdam carrying Jews and converts, and in one instance in
1642, 600 people embarked. The intensity of Jewish emigration from the Netherlands to Brazil is
highlighted by a note written by Francisco de Souza Coutinho, Portuguese ambassador to Holland, in
1644, to the Count of Vidigueira: “This land is the mother of the New Christians, and from here they go to
Brazil.” In addition to the immigrants from abroad, there were also Jews from other parts of Brazil coming
to Pernambuco in search of religious freedom.
19
The exact number of Jews in Dutch Brazil is unknown, but most historians lean towards the high figure of
5,000. Even if this number is exaggerated—1,500 seems more prudent—it is certain that at the peak of
the development of the Jewish community in New Holland, Jews represented about 50% of the entire civil
population, which then totaled 3,000. To understand the importance of a Jewish community of 1,500
souls at that time, it is enough to remember that the Jewish community in Amsterdam, at its peak, was
not more numerous.
c) **Continuous Immigration** – This is a supplementary factor with significant anti-assimilation action.
What occurred during more than two decades of Dutch rule was not just a limited number of massive
immigrations but a continuous influx of Jews, constantly refreshing the group spirit of the Jews already
residing there.
d) **Cultural Superiority** – Likewise, cultural superiority of the considered group, relative to the dominant environment, constitutes a counter-acculturative factor. In this case, there is no doubt that the Jewish immigrants—especially those from Holland—were elements of cultural expression far superior to that existing in Brazil at that time.
Given the favorable conditions mentioned above, it is understandable that the social life of the Jews in
Pernambuco evolved rapidly, assuming the form of an organized community. At this time, there were two
synagogues—one in Recife, the other in Santo Antônio—and a private cemetery in Boa Vista. The Jews
of Pernambuco possessed a sacred community—Cahal Cadoch.
The community was led by a board of directors, known members of which included David Senior Coronel,
Dr. Abraham de Mercado, Jacob Mucate, and Isaac Castanho. There was also the Congregation Zur
Israel of Recife, which maintained a Pinkes (minutes book) and issued hascamot (regulations). Thus, the
revised “regulations” of 1648 established that all Jews residing in the “State of Brazil” and all future
immigrants automatically became members of the Jewish Community and had to register their names in
the Pinkes as a demonstration that they accepted the regulations.
On the island of Itamaracá, a community was also formed, presided over by its own rabbi, Jacob Lagarto,
who was, incidentally, the first Talmudic writer in South America. In such an environment of security and
collective organization, group consciousness grew, and Jewish festivals were publicly celebrated with
processions in the streets.
The peak of this socio-cultural development—predominantly religious in nature—was reached by the
Jews of Pernambuco in 1642, when they arranged the arrival from Holland of a distinguished spiritual
leader, Isaac Aboab da Fonseca, who was accompanied by the “hazan” Moses Raphael de Aguilar.
### Isaac Aboab da Fonseca
Isaac Aboab originated from Portugal, from where he emigrated to Amsterdam at the age of 7. In
Amsterdam, due to his exceptional qualities, he had a brilliant career, reaching high positions, including
20
being a member of the rabbinate. When it came to sending a spiritual leader to Brazil, he was chosen by
the president of the Dutch community, which serves to corroborate the importance attributed to the
Jewish community in Northeast Brazil at that time.
Upon arriving in Brazil, Aboab already found a flourishing Jewish life, a broad field to apply his
experience and vast knowledge. He engaged in various activities, particularly noted for his admirable
speeches on Jewish laws and customs. His success was due not only to his extensive knowledge but
also to his extraordinary eloquence and mastery of the Portuguese language.
Alongside his rabbinical activities, Isaac Aboab continued his literary work in Brazil, having written, in
collaboration with Rabbi Moses Raphael de Aguilar, the work “Miimei Iehuda,” which talkes about the
cultural life of Brazilian Jews. Isaac Aboab remained faithfully at the head of the Brazilian community until
its downfall in 1654.
### Decline and Downfall
In 1645, Jewish life in Brazil began to decline. Indeed, the date of May 6, 1644—when Maurice of
Nassau, after a series of misunderstandings with the West India Company, left the government—marks
the symbolic beginning of this phase, which would end a decade later with the melancholic liquidation of
the thriving community that had been established—apparently with such solidity—in Northeast Brazil.
The departure of Nassau—a cultured spirit passionate about the highest political ideals, who had become
fond of Brazil, where, despite the violence of war, he had tried to introduce advanced administrative
processes and liberal institutions—greatly favored the birth of the Pernambuco insurrection. In place of
that remarkable statesman who had gained the general sympathy of the population, the administration of
Dutch rule was left to the Supreme Council of Recife, composed of the merchant Hamel, the goldsmith
Bass, and the carpenter van Bollestraten, individuals completely incapable of the mission.
In vain, Nassau, in his political testament, had pointed to tolerance as one of the most important
guidelines of the government. The triumvirate that succeeded him established an oppressive and
tyrannical regime, even treating Catholics as infidels, hindering their priests from celebrating masses, and
expelling friars from the country on suspicion of being spies for the Governor of Bahia.
The Jews of Pernambuco soon realized what the new situation would mean for them. They easily
foresaw that without the tolerant and pacifying policy of Prince Nassau, the weakening and fall of Dutch
rule would be inevitable, leaving them irremediably exposed to the fury of the Pernambuco insurgents.
In view of this, they began the process of returning to Holland, with about half of the Jewish population,
especially the richest merchants, emigrating over a few years. Commerce began to decline, money
became scarce, and the troops refused to fight; furthermore, through bribery, Dutch soldiers frequently
deserted to the Portuguese army, which, in stark contrast, had very high morale.
21
To worsen the situation, Holland, which was then at war with England, could not provide the necessary
help to the declining colony, and the reinforcements it sent were insufficient and untimely.
Although the situation was clearly unfavorable to the Dutch, the Jews who remained in Recife—about
700—resigned themselves to waiting until the last moment for the outcome of the struggle, remaining
faithfully on the side of the Dutch and sharing with them all the horrors of the long siege of the city. The
sufferings endured by the besieged during this period were movingly described by the head of the Jewish
community, Rabbi Isaac Aboab da Fonseca, who witnessed the desperate struggle from beginning to
end:
“Books would not be able to describe our sufferings. The enemy spread out in the fields and the woods,
lurking here for spoils and there for lives. Many of us died with sword in hand, others due to lack of food.
They now lie in the cold ground. Those of us who survived were exposed to die in any manner. Those
who were accustomed to delicacies felt happy when they could get dry, moldy bread to calm their
hunger.”
There are many unfavorable views about the complete loyalty to the Dutch shown by the remaining Jews
of Recife. Some indeed consider it a kind of disloyalty or ingratitude to Brazil. This is an error that must
be corrected. It is worth noting that Brazil was not truly at stake. The Jews had to choose between two
occupiers, between two foreign powers: Portugal and Holland. On one side—the country that persecuted,
expelled, and burned Jews alive; on the other—the nation that treated Jews with the greatest religious
tolerance, both in the metropolis and in the colonies. On one side—the Inquisition and the autos-da-fé; on
the other—freedom of conscience.
Between two masters—there was no other choice! And, moreover, by acting as they did, the Jews
maintained an impeccable line of coherence. They, who by all means at their disposal, had helped the
Dutch to conquer brazilian’s northeast, hoping—not denied—to obtain a peaceful home in Brazil, could
not abandon their allies and protectors of the previous day when fortune began to fail them.
Just as the Jews of New Holland knew how to arm their dreams—which they largely saw realized—they
also showed resilience in enduring their downfall, fighting bravely until the final fall of their citadel, thereby
closing the most illustrious, though fleeting, chapter of Jewish life in colonial Brazil.
### Chapter VIII
POST-DUTCH PERIOD: DISPERSION AND ACCOMMODATION (1654 – 1700)
#### The Great Exodus
With the fall of Recife and the subsequent capitulation of the Dutch, the Jewish community in
northeastern Brazil fully disintegrated. The Jews of this region, after several years of privations and
22
sufferings, faced a painful crossroads: either remain in Brazil, where they witnessed the calamitous
destruction of their collective life and personal property and faced the horrors of relentless persecution—
despite the arrangement made by the Dutch with the Portuguese that the remaining Jews would be
unpunished—or emigrate in search of refuge where they could rebuild their lives.
A small portion resigned themselves to stay in Brazil, dispersing across its territory, while the majority
opted for emigration. Of these, a group—probably consisting of the wealthiest and best-connected in
Holland, including the community leader Rabbi Isaac Aboab da Fonseca—decided to return to that
country, an island of freedom in the vast ocean of intolerance that was Europe at the time. Meanwhile,
the majority, the poorer segment, chose to face the unknown, venturing towards the most distant parts of
the three Americas.
Those who returned to Holland reintegrated into the Jewish community there without leaving major
traces. The others, scattered among various French, English, and Dutch colonies in the Americas,
established themselves in their new homelands, contributing effectively to their economic development
and founding Jewish communities, one of which would become the extraordinary Jewish community of
the modern times in The United States of America.
#### The Fate of the Refugees in the American Colonies
The exodus of Brazilian Jews to the European colonies in the Americas took three routes: Guianas, the
Antilles, and New Holland (North America), with the second route attracting the majority.
**Guianas:** Initially, a group of fugitive Jews, under the leadership of David Nassib, settled in Cayenne
(1657). However, after being harassed by the local inhabitants, they later moved to Suriname, which was
an English colony at the time and was only conquered by the Dutch in 1667. In Suriname, the Jews
substantially contributed to the colony’s development, particularly in the sugar cane industry, and, thanks
to the absolute freedom they enjoyed, had been growing in number and organizing a lasting community.
By the end of the 18th century, this community numbered over 1,300 people, with the most important
nucleus—1,045 Jews in a population of 2,000—located in the vicinity of Paramaribo, known as “Jewish
Savannah.”
**Antilles:** The first wave of Jews aimed for Martinique, which had a reputation for being well
administered by Governor Parquet. However, Parquet, initially willing to accept them, was influenced by
the Jesuits and decided not to allow their landing, causing the 900 Jews to proceed to Guadeloupe,
where they were welcomed and soon prospered. Later, Parquet, regretting his decision, allowed other
waves of Jews to settle on the island, which then experienced significant progress in agriculture and
commerce.
Another group reached Barbados, where there were already some New Christians brought by the
English. With the addition of Brazilian Jews, they significantly boosted the sugar industry. Finally, various
other groups settled in Jamaica and Santo Domingo, engaging, as always, in their traditional
occupation—the sugar industry. Thanks to the contribution of these Jewish refugees from Brazil, Central
America managed to establish its monopoly on the world sugar market, a monopoly previously held by
23
Brazil. Thus, these Jews provided the Central American colonies with the wealth elements that, due to
the disastrous policies of the Portuguese monarchs, Brazil had discarded!
**North America:** A small group of Jews, but significant for the history of Jews in the New World, left
Recife shortly after its fall, heading to distant New Amsterdam (present-day New York), then the capital of
Dutch North America. When this group of 23 Jews, brought by the French warship “St. Charles,” landed
on the banks of the Hudson on September 12, 1654, they hoped to find a warm welcome, as it was a
Dutch colony. However, the colony’s governor, Pierre Stuyvesant, an autocrat, inflexable, a fanatic and
anti-Semite, demanded the expulsion of these “enemies and blasphemers of the name of Christ.” It was
only through the intervention of the West India Company—where Jewish shareholders wielded
influence—that the 23 Brazilian Jews were allowed to stay in New Amsterdam, on the condition that “the
poor among them be maintained by their own nation,” that they did not hold public office, that they did not engage in retail trade, and that they did not found a congregation.
These restrictions soon became irrelevant. Within just two years, the Jews, under the leadership of Asser
Levy, acquired land for their own cemetery. Later, when the English took over the Dutch colonies in North
America in 1664, the Jews enjoyed absolute freedom of conscience, allowing them to consolidate their
community and spread across the country. Over the centuries, they developed the largest Jewish
community in the world, with New York City as its main center—the same old village of New Amsterdam
where a handful of Brazilian Jewish refugees had established the first Jewish settlement in North
America.
#### Accommodation in Brazil
As mentioned, the exodus following the expulsion of the Dutch did not include the entire Jewish
population of the northeastern of Brazil. Some Marranos decided to stay in the land they had come to
love, trusting not only in the agreement stipulated in the Dutch capitulation treaty that the remaining Jews would not be harmed, but also in the relatively tolerant religious atmosphere that then prevailed in
Portugal.
Contributing to this atmosphere was the influence of the Jesuit priest António Vieira, a vigorous,
persistent, and selfless defender of the Jews. His ardor stemmed from his conviction that Jews could
never be a danger to Portugal and that, on the contrary, they were the nation’s vital energy. He believed it
was urgent to call back the expelled or fugitive Jews to rejuvenate the country’s depleted forces. The
most important of his works in defense of the Jews was titled “Proposal Made to King John IV,
Representing…
**the miserable state of the kingdom and the need to admit Jewish merchants, who were traveling
through various parts of Europe.**
Thanks to the enlightened vision and efforts of Father António Vieira, the General Company of Brazil was
founded on March 8, 1649. This company was similar to the one previously established by the Dutch,
with wealthy New Christians of the country subscribing to a large number of shares in the new company.
In return, the New Christians received several concessions, such as exemption from the confiscation of
their property and facilitation of their trade and transportation to Brazil.
24
Under these conditions, it is understandable that, with the withdrawal of the Dutch from Brazil and the
fading of initial resentments, the remaining Jews could peacefully spread across Brazilian territory,
including areas of the Northeast, minimizing the outward appearance of their Jewish origins.
It is true that, after a few years, following the death of King John IV in 1656, the Inquisition managed to
end the previously established tolerance towards Jews and—without forgetting to avenge Father Vieira—
intensified its persecutions. These persecutions culminated in the enactment of the law of September 9,
1683, which mandated the expulsion of New Christians and the imposition of the death penalty on those
who returned to the country.
However, the effects of this new wave of persecution did not significantly impact Brazil. On the contrary, it
contributed to the intensification of the influx of persecuted New Christians from Portugal. Thus, the
population of Brazil was not only able to recover from the tremendous shock of the post-Dutch
disintegration but also to experience a reasonable numerical growth.
From this, it can be concluded that the second half of the 17th century was a period of slow and discreet
accommodation for the Jews in Brazil: a period certainly lacking in brilliance and any manifestations of
Jewish collective life, but also free from major shocks, sufferings, and setbacks.
### Chapter IX
PERIOD OF GREAT PERSECUTIONS (1700 – 1770)
#### The Apex of the Portuguese Inquisition and Its Impact on Brazil
The accommodation achieved by Brazilian Jews in the second half of the 17th century did not extend into
the next century. The Inquisition of Lisbon, which until then had barely scratched the surface of the
Jewish population in Brazil, eventually extended its relentless network of persecution to this country.
This wave of terror, which with some interruptions lasted for a long 70 years, especially during the
periods from 1707 to 1711 and from 1729 to 1739, characterized the first half of the 18th century as a
dark age in the history of Jews in Brazil.
Several reasons, both essential and subsidiary, contributed to these tragic events.
Firstly, the persecution of New Christians in Portugal had reached its peak, with the Inquisition’s actions
taking on truly horrifying aspects. “Extensive areas of the country were depopulated, and Europe looked
on in amazement at a nation destroying itself at the behest of brutish friars.” It is not surprising that such
unbridled fury also had repercussions on this side of the ocean.
On the other hand, Brazilian Jews, due to their economic and social adjustment achieved in the second
half of the 17th century, had become again one of the wealthiest segments of the colony. There were,
therefore, assets to confiscate, and easily!
25
Moreover, a new bishop of Rio de Janeiro was appointed—D. Francisco de São Jerónimo, who had
previously served as a qualifier for the Holy Office in Évora, distinguishing himself there by his religious
intolerance and his rancor against the Hebrew race.
The hunt for Brazilian Jews became so furious, particularly in Rio de Janeiro and Paraíba, that between
1707 and 1711, more than 500 people were imprisoned and sent to the Inquisition in Lisbon. Panic
ensued, completely paralyzing the development of mercantile relations between the colony and the
metropolis, causing such serious damage that the Portuguese crown was eventually forced to prohibit the
continued confiscation of sugar mills, most of which belonged to individuals of Jewish origin.
A relative calm then ensued, though it did not last 20 years. During this time, Jews recovered from
previous shocks and even began to prosper again due to increased exploitation of gold mines and the
diamond trade. The inquisitors’ zeal returned, attracted by the renewed prospects of massive
confiscations.
The new phase of persecutions, more intense during the decade from 1729 to 1739, continued practically
until 1770, when other conditions came to eradicate, and forever, the cancer of the Inquisition, which had
so tainted Portugal’s history and caused the decline of that great empire from the Manueline era.
To this day, it is not known exactly how many Jews from Brazil fell victim to the Portuguese Inquisition.
Some estimate that only 400 Brazilian Judaizers were prosecuted, of whom no more than 18 suffered the
death penalty; these figures are relatively modest, representing only 1 to 2% of the total number of trials
and convictions during the Inquisition’s 230 years of operation in Portugal. However, this estimate seems
far from giving a precise idea of the true extent of the tragedy, as there are still 40,000 Inquisition records
at Tombo’s Tower archives in Lisbon, the mysteries of which await the patient work of those willing to
investigate them to reveal their full horror to history.
**Antônio José da Silva: “The Jew”**
Among the Brazilian victims of the Portuguese Inquisition during its most nefarious phase was Antônio
José da Silva, born in Rio de Janeiro in 1705, who is generally considered a descendant of Jews.
At the age of eight, he moved with his father to Lisbon, where his mother had just been sent as a
prisoner, accused of Judaism by the Inquisition’s agents.
In Portugal, Antônio José attended school and university, always showing exceptional intelligence and an
unusual literary inclination. In a few years, his creative spirit enriched Portuguese literature with
numerous plays of singular value, elevating him to the highest levels of fame and popularity.
Since his plays, brilliantly designed, often expressed unrestrained sarcasm against the vile activities of
the Inquisition, he became a target of the Inquisition, which relentlessly sought to eliminate him.
Despite the poet’s immense prestige, the Inquisition succeeded in its goal. Initially, it tried to intimidate
him by confiscating his property and crushing his fingers—an act practiced at the Church of São
Domingos on October 13, 1726—in the hope that he would cease writing.
**Mordant. However, seeing that this had only further inflamed their hatred towards the monstrous
tribunal, the inquisitors ensnared Antônio José da Silva in a complex web of accusations and false
26
testimonies, including claims that he mocked the name of Christ, fasted on Mondays and Thursdays,
wore clean clothes on Saturdays, and prayed the Lord’s Prayer, substituting the name of Jesus with
Abraham and the God of Israel.**
Thus, Antônio José da Silva—nicknamed “The Jew”—was irrevocably condemned to death on March 11,
1739, and was burned at the stake on October 21 of the same year in a public square, with additional
cruelties: his 70-year-old mother, his wife, and his four-year-old daughter were forced to witness the
execution. One of the greatest expressions of Jewish-Brazilian genius had just paid with his precious life
for his refusal to conform to the barbarity of the Inquisition!
### Chapter X
**PRE-ASSIMILATION PERIOD (1770 – 1824)**
**Liberal Provisions in Portugal: The Marquis of Pombal**
In 1770, a new era began for Jewish life in Brazil, markedly different from its past. The next five decades
constituted a transitional phase towards a liberal policy that would not suffer further setbacks,
progressively expanding its achievements until the definitive outbreak in 1824, following Brazil’s
declaration of independence and its constitutionalization.
In Portugal, the scene had changed, and the Inquisition was entering its final throes, struck a mortal blow
by the insightful and powerful minister Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, known as the Marquis of
Pombal.
As a preliminary measure on October 5, 1768, this exceptional statesman had disarmed the so-called
“puritans,” which means, the nobles who insisted on not aligning themselves with the “suspect” blood of
New Christians. The Marquis set a four-month deadline for those with marriageable children to marry into
previously excluded families.
A few years later, on May 25, 1773, he secured from King Joseph I the promulgation of a law that
abolished the distinctions between Old Christians and New Christians, repealing all previous decrees and
provisions related to discrimination against New Christians. The penalties for simply using the term “New
Christian” against anyone, whether written or spoken, were severe: for the common people—whipping in
public and banishment to Angola; for the nobility—loss of titles, offices, pensions, and decorations; for the clergy—banishment from Portugal.
Finally, a year later, on October 1, 1774, the aforementioned law was regulated by a decree, which
subjected the verdicts of the Holy Office to royal sanction.
With this restriction, the Portuguese Inquisition was practically nullified.
27
Regarding the Marquis of Pombal’s special effort with the king to end any discrimination against New
Christians, S. Dubnov’s “Universal History of the Jewish People” offers the following conjecture: “It is said
that the king expressed a desire for the Marranos to be at least recognizable by a special sign. So,
Pombal took three yellow hats, like those worn by Jews in Rome, explaining that one would be for
himself, another for the chief inquisitor, and the third for the king, as no one—he said—could be sure that
their veins did not carry Marrano blood.”
**Impact on Brazil: The 1810 Trade Treaty. Proclamation of Brazil’s Independence**
The impact of Pombal’s measures in Brazil was immediate and effective. After seventy years of
tremendous persecution, Brazilian New Christians were eager to be equal to other inhabitants of the
country, from whom, in reality, they often differed only by the discrimination imposed upon them. Thus, in this already favorable environment—further aided by intense ethnic crossbreeding and transcultural
processes occurring at the time, due to the partial economic shift from agriculture to mining—the
liberalism of the new law was a clear stimulus to the complete assimilation of New Christians.
Of course, this process of integration did not happen overnight or in a fully conclusive manner, as distrust
regarding the political upheavals of the Portuguese crown had not disappeared.
Even 25 years later, when, by the trade treaty formed on February 19, 1810, in Rio de Janeiro, between
England and Portugal, another step was taken towards liberalization, with the official prohibition of the
Inquisition’s activities in Brazil, the Portuguese government still feared Judaizers.
This is explained by the fact that, in article 12 of the treaty, which stipulated that:
“neither the subjects of Great Britain, nor any other foreigners of a different communion than the
dominant religion of the Portuguese Dominions, shall be persecuted or troubled on matters of
conscience, either in their personalities or their property, as long as they conduct themselves with order,
decency, and morality, and in a manner consistent with the customs of the Country and its religious and
political establishment”
It added:
“however, if it is proven that they publicly preach or declaim against the Catholic religion, or that they
seek to make proselytes or conversions, those who thus offend may, upon manifesting their crime, be
ordered to leave the Country…”
It took another 15 years for the problem of Brazilian Jews to disappear through assimilation after Brazil
achieved independence in 1822 and the 1824 constitution was promulgated.
It is worth noting the significant contribution of Brazilian Jews themselves to the movement that led to
their extinction as a group through complete integration into the national community. As historian Rocha
Pombo testified: “The beginnings of rebellion to establish an independent nation saw a prominent
contribution from Israelites and their descendants,” and this is reinforced by historian Adolfo Varnhagen:
“The Jews were pioneers of Brazil’s independence. Their valuable contribution, their tenacity as an
elected race and persecuted people, constituted the foundations upon which the blazing banner of hope
was placed for Brazil’s liberation from the motherland’s yoke.”
### Chapter XI
28
**PERIOD OF ASSIMILATION (1824 – 1855)**
**Deep Assimilation of the Indigenous Jewish Population**
Once the country was constitutionalized and total freedom of conscience was implemented, nothing
remained that could sustain the survival of the Jewish population, which had already been significantly
reduced due to the assimilation that had been occurring, slowly but steadily, over the previous 50 years
under the growing post-Pombaline liberalism.
**These remaining Jews, whose collective spirit was already very weakened—since, as mentioned
earlier, they considered themselves Jewish only due to external discrimination—once they realized that
this time freedom had come to stay, severed the last discriminatory tether binding them to their Jewish
past and rapidly integrated into the general population, with which, in any case, they were already fully
identified in all historical and cultural aspects.**
(Interestingly, despite this total integration, many assimilated Jews continued, for years, to identify
themselves as former New Christians. Notably, even after more than a century, well into the mid-20th
century, descendants of crypto-Jews still, with some sentimentality, evoked their origins and showed
empathy for their ancestors’ suffering by attending Jewish temples during the major religious ceremonies
of the year.)
**The only factor that might have reignited the past flame and preserved those Jews from total
assimilation in this post-1824 Constitution scenario would have been a massive and homogeneous
immigration of Jews with high social standing and similar traditions.**
But this unique, even though problematic, hypothesis did not materialize at all, as immigration to Brazil
weakened significantly after Independence, and Jewish immigration practically ceased. Evidently,
sporadic Jewish individuals found among European immigrant groups cannot be considered. These
isolated elements, likely from already well-assimilated Jewish communities in Western Europe, operated
exclusively on an individual basis in the country, with no traces of group behavior and no manifestation of
Jewish habits and traditions.
**Emergence of the Jewish Community in the Amazon**
However, it is worth noting a somewhat symbolic exception observed in the far north of the country.
Immediately after Independence, Jewish elements from Morocco began to arrive in the Amazon. Given
that this was a new immigration without any historical or cultural affinity with the Brazilian population of
the region, and considering the liberal climate created by the 1824 Constitution, it was easy and
convenient for these Moroccan Jews to maintain their religion and traditions. They soon established a
synagogue named “Heaven’s Door” in Belém do Pará in 1828.
29
This Jewish settlement in the Amazon, which continued to expand over the years with elements from the
same North African region, spread through strategic points along the great river, playing a significant role
in the region’s economic development and international trade.
Nevertheless, this small, isolated Jewish community in the distant Amazon, both culturally and materially
separate from the more vital and advanced regions of the country, could not, of course, exert any
influence on the indigenous Judaism that was entering its phase of total closure.
For this reason, the existence of this tiny community from the far north does not detract from the
unmistakable characteristic of the 1824-1855 period, which is that during this time, the profound
assimilation of the remaining Jewish population after Brazil’s Independence took place.
### Chapter XII
**PRECURSOR PERIOD OF MODERN IMMIGRATION (1855 – 1900)**
**Western Immigration (North Africa and Western Europe)**
In the second half of the 19th century, around 1855, the Jewish situation in Brazil began to change. The
Jewish population, previously limited to the remote Amazonian community, started to grow in number and spread across Brazilian territory.
While North African Jewish immigration to the Amazon region continued, Jews from various Western
European countries—French, English, Austrian, and especially Alsatian Germans—began arriving in Rio
de Janeiro, from where they radiated to neighboring states, particularly São Paulo and Minas Gerais. By
1857, they felt the need to establish a synagogue.
The two communities—the Amazonian and the Rio de Janeiro’s one—had no group relations and, in fact,
presented different characteristics. The Amazonian community was more stable, as Moroccan Jews
came to the far north of Brazil with the intention of settling there, expanding their activities over time to
include not only internal trade and export/import (especially textiles) but also navigation and rubber
tapping, in addition to participating in public activities and holding official positions.
In the south, however, Western European Jews primarily aimed to prosper and then return to their
countries of origin, although many ended up staying in Brazil, either because they did not achieve the
desired rapid wealth or because they developed a connection to their new land. Due to this initial
disposition, Jews in Rio de Janeiro and neighboring states were limited to commercial occupations, with
no attempt to integrate into other, more stable and fundamental economic activities, and they did not
seek to become involved in the public life of the country.
30
**Eastern Immigration (Eastern Mediterranean and Eastern Europe)**
In the last decade of the 19th century, Jewish immigration increased significantly, with a growing number
of countries of origin and regions where immigrants began to settle in Brazil. While until then Jewish
immigrants had almost exclusively come from North Africa and Western Europe, now waves of Jews from
the Eastern Mediterranean—Greece, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon (Sephardim), and Palestine (Sephardim
and Ashkenazim)—as well as from Russia and neighboring Eastern European countries, began to arrive.
They preferred to settle in the southeastern region of the country—Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, and Minas
Gerais—but also spread to many other states, both in the South and the Northeast.
By the end of the 19th century, Brazil was dotted with colorful Jewish communities. Although there were
still no firm group connections between these various Jewish settlements, nor had any local coordination
been established among the diverse Jewish elements—who spoke different languages, had different
traditions, and interests—it is noteworthy that by the end of the 19th century, Brazil had a potential
Jewish community that spanned the entire national territory. This provided a rich infrastructure upon
which the vast and homogeneous waves of Eastern European immigrants.